‘We’ve been patient for long enough’ – Watch TUI members discuss their experiences of pay discrimination

Enough is Enough. Why we are taking strike action ?

Irish Participation in PESCO – the European defence co-operation entity

29 Jan 2020

Military 2

Congress has written to political party leaders expressing concern at Irish Participation in PESCO, the European defence co-operation entity

Dear Party Leader,

At our Biennial Delegate Conference in July 2019, in line with the proud and consistent record of support by the Trade Union movement for Irish neutrality, we noted with dismay the decision by the Government to participate in Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), seen by many as a precursor to an EU army.

The pace of development of EU militarisation and Ireland’s involvement has accelerated in recent times and Ireland has committed troops to a German commanded EU Battlegroup, which can be dispatched at short notice to emerging crises and conflicts around the world.  Ireland has also signed up as an observer on eight PESCO projects as well as participation in two projects.

We also note that the European Defence Fund will see at least €13 billion spent on weapons research and development during the next multi-annual financial framework (2021-2027) to the detriment of cohesion and development funds.  National contributions to the Fund during the period are expected to reach €36bn.  This is also happening alongside the launch of the Future Air Combat System (FCAS) and the growing EU/NATO cooperation.

All of this will lead to a massive annual increase in military expenditure 2021-2027 by the EU. Consequently, this will result in a massive increase in Irish military expenditure, thereby reducing monies available for investment in social expenditure such as health, housing, and pensions.

Concerned by the above developments, among others, Conference urges all political parties to express their opposition to further participation in PESCO and calls on them to commit to using any post-election influence to ensure that any new Government will immediately exercise its right to withdrawal under Article 46.5 (TEU) of the Lisbon Treaty and to notify the European Council accordingly.

I would be grateful if you could communicate your party’s position on the matter.

Yours faithfully

 

Congress Backs Feb 1 Protest by Bord na Móna Workers

 

30 Jan 2020

Just Transition

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has backed a protest march to be held by Bord na Móna workers in Shannonbridge, County Offaly on SaturdayFebruary 1.

The rally and march have been organised by Bord na Móna workers and pensioners in protest at the failure to deliver a Just Transition for the affected workers and communities, across the Midlands.

The initiative enjoys widespread support among local communities and energy sector workers in the region.

Speaking ahead of the February 1 demonstration in Shannonbridge, Congress General Secretary Patricia King said the failure to implement a fair and Just Transition had created fear and anxiety across the Midlands.

“To date, government has borrowed the language of Just Transition but failed utterly to deliver on the substance. The workers and communities had already signed up to the transition to a low carbon economy but made it clear it had to happen in a fair manner and that workers and communities would not be left behind.

“That means creating good quality replacement jobs and opportunities to make up for those being lost in peat production. That means investing in areas like retrofitting and renewable energy production in order to address that jobs shortfall and to assist with the country’s overall shift to a low carbon economy.

“To date that has not happened and workers in the Midlands rightly fear their region being abandoned in the years to come. Their campaign has the full support of Congress and affiliated unions and we would urge voters on February 8 to exercise their vote accordingly,” Ms King said.

Ends

Contact : Conor Kavanagh, Congress Communications Office  
0868116607

Unite to ballot membership working in Hovis on significantly improved pay offer

Unite to ballot membership working in Hovis on significantly improved pay offer

Sean McKeeverShop stewards suspend pending all-out strike action planned to commence Friday after company makes new offer

Sean McKeever, Unite Regional Officer, confirmed that his union would be balloting members on a fresh pay offer made by the company’s management in the face of all-out strike action.

“Strike action is always a last resort for workers and our union. Unfortunately we were left with no alternative but to proceed with plans for all-out strike action as a result of the total failure of Hovis bosses to take seriously our members’ pay expectations. The workforce had sought a decent pay uplift but were offered only 3.2 percent by management despite the negotiations going through mediation at the LRA.

“In light of the significantly improved pay offer made by management today, our team of shop stewards have agreed to suspend the action  planned to commence at a minute past midnight on Friday [January 24th]. We will now proceed to ballot our members on the offer and are hoping to announce their response and next steps within a week”, Mr McKeever concluded.

Launch Of Workers’ Rights Campaign

In what was a packed public meeting at the launch of Trade Union Left Forum ( TULF)  campaign on workers’ rights in the offices of Connect Trade Union Head Office in Dublin today Saturday 18th Jan.  The meeting was addressed by Gareth Murphy, Julia Marcianak from the Ivy Restaurant Solidarity campaign, Brian Nolan The Asssistant General Secretary of the Connect Trade Union, Muireann Dalton Trade Union Activisit and Des Derwin representing the Dublin Trades Union Council. The Organisers would like to thank Connect for use of thier premieses.

On this link is a copy of the Workers’ Right Pampflet

Des Derwin addressing the Public Meeting

A section of the packed meeting

Muireann Dalton addressing the meeting

Brian Nolan addressing the audience

Gareth Murphy addressing the meeting

Workers’ Right Campaign National Launch Saturday 18th Dublin

Workers’ Right Campaign National Launch Saturday 18th Dublin

 

Trade Union Left Forum( TULF) are launching their workers’ rights campaign in Dublin on January 18th at 2pm. The launch will take place on the Connect Trade Union office at 2pm 18th Jan 6 Gardiner Row. Dublin D01 Y183. We would encourage all Trade Union Activists and the general public to come along to the public meeting.

 

Please click on the this link for a copy of the Campaign document1578477695950_KNOW YOUR RIGHTS BOOKLET (1)

 

Workers’ Rights Campaign

The speakers for the Workers Rights Campaign have been announced they are as follows;

Long time trade union activist and founder member of the Trade Union Left Forum Gareth Murphy, Decency for Dunnes and Mandate Trade Union Muireann Dalton,  Assistant General Secretary of Connect Trade Union Brian Nolan.  Ivy restaurant solidarity campaign & Unite the Union activist Julia Marcianak,  Executive Member of Dublin Council of Trade Unions & vice chair of SIPTU Dublin District Council Des Derwin,  Belfast Trade Union activist and  CWU Kerry Fleck and Ciara Ní Mhaoilfhinn CWU will chair the event.

Space is limited come early not to be disappointed. January 18th at 2pm Connect Trade Union 6 Gardiner Row Dublin.

https://facebook.com/events/s/workers-rights-campaign/2606604282919112/?ti=as

 

 

 

TULF To Launch Workers’ Right Campaign

Trade Union Left Forum( TULF) are launching their workers’ right campaign in Dublin on January 18th at 2pm. The launch will take place on the Connect Trade Union office at 2pm 18th Jan 6 Gardiner Row. Dublin D01 Y183. We would encourage all Trade Union Activists and the general public to come along to the public meeting.

 

Please click on the this link for a copy of the Campaign document1578477695950_KNOW YOUR RIGHTS BOOKLET (1)

 

 

SPEECH AT COP25 Greta Thunberg: ‘Clever statistics and creative PR’ cover inaction on climate crisis

Our thanks to the website Climate & Capitalism.com website.

Transcript of Greta Thunberg’s address to the United Nations Climate Conference, Madrid, December 6, 2019.

A year and a half ago, I didn’t speak to anyone unless I really had to. But then I found a reason to speak. Since then, I have given many speeches and learned that when you talk in public, you should start with something personal or emotional to get everyone’s attention, say things like, “Our house is on fire,” “I want you to panic,” or “How dare you!”

But today I will not do that, because then those phrases are all that people focus on. They don’t remember the facts, the very reason why I say those things in the first place. We no longer have time to leave out the science.

For about a year, I have been constantly talking about our rapidly declining carbon budgets, over and over again. But since that is still being ignored, I will just keep repeating it. In chapter two, on page 108 in the SR 1.5 IPCC report that came out last year, it says that if we are to have a 67% chance of limiting the global temperature rise to below 1.5 degrees Celsius, we had, on January 1st, 2018, 420 gigatons of CO2 left to emit in that budget. And, of course, that number is much lower today as we emit about 42 gigatons of CO2 every year, including land use. With today’s emissions levels, that remaining budget will be gone within about eight years.

These numbers aren’t anyone’s opinions or political views. This is the current best available science. Though many scientists suggest these figures are too moderate, these are the ones that have been accepted through the IPCC.

And please note that these figures are global, and therefore do not say anything about the aspect of equity, which is absolutely essential to make the Paris Agreement work on a global scale. That means that richer countries need to do their fair share and get down to real zero emissions much faster and then help poorer countries do the same, so people in less fortunate parts of the world can raise their living standards.

These numbers also don’t include most feedback loops, nonlinear tipping points or additional warming hidden by toxic air pollution. Most models assume, however, that future generations will somehow be able to suck hundreds of billions of tons of CO2 out of the air with technologies that do not exist in the scale required and maybe never will. The approximate 67% chance budget is the one with the highest odds given by the IPCC. And now we have less than 340 gigatons of CO2 left to emit in that budget to share fairly.

And why is it so important to stay below 1.5 degrees? Because even at 1 degree, people are dying from the climate crisis. Because that is what the united science calls for to avoid destabilizing the climate, so that we have the best possible chance to avoid setting off irreversible chain reactions, such as melting glaciers, polar ice and thawing Arctic permafrost.

Every fraction of a degree matters.

So there it is again. This is my message. This is what I want you to focus on. So please tell me: How do you react to these numbers without feeling at least some level of panic? How do you respond to the fact that basically nothing is being done about this, without feeling the slightest bit of anger? And how do you communicate this without sounding alarmist? I would really like to know.

Since the Paris Agreement, global banks have invested 1.9 trillion U.S. dollars in fossil fuels. One hundred companies are responsible for 71% of global emissions. The G20 countries account for almost 80% of total emissions. The richest 10% of the world’s population produce half of our CO2 emissions, while the poorest 50% account for just one-tenth.

We indeed have some work to do, but some more than others.

Recently, a handful of rich countries pledged to reduce their emissions of greenhouse gases by so-and-so many percent by this or that date, or to become climate-neutral or net zero in so-and-so many years.

This may sound impressive at first glance, but even though the intentions may be good, this is not leadership. This is not leading. This is misleading, because most of these pledges do not include aviation, shipping, and imported and exported goods and consumption.

They do, however, include the possibility of countries to offset their emissions elsewhere. These pledges don’t include the immediate yearly reduction rates needed for wealthy countries, which is necessary to stay within the remaining tiny budget.

Zero in 2050 means nothing if high emission continues even for a few years; then the remaining budget will be gone.

Without seeing the full picture, we will not solve this crisis. Finding holistic solutions is what the COP should be all about.

But instead, it seems to have turned into some kind of opportunity for countries to negotiate loopholes and to avoid raising their ambition. Countries are finding clever ways around having to take real action, like double counting emissions reductions and moving their emissions overseas and walking back on their promises to increase ambition or refusing to pay for solutions or loss and damage.

This has to stop. What we need is real, drastic emission cuts at the source.

But, of course, just reducing emissions is not enough. Our greenhouse gas emissions has to stop. To stay below 1.5 degrees, we need to keep the carbon in the ground. Only setting up distant dates and saying things which give the impression of that action is underway will most likely do more harm than good, because the changes required are still nowhere in sight.

The politics needed does not exist today, despite what you might hear from world leaders.

And I still believe that the biggest danger is not inaction. The real danger is when politicians and CEOs are making it look like real action is happening when in fact almost nothing is being done apart from clever accounting and creative PR.

I have been fortunate enough to be able to travel around the world. And my experience is that the lack of awareness is the same everywhere, not the least amongst those elected to lead us.

There is no sense of urgency whatsoever. Our leaders are not behaving as if we were in an emergency. In an emergency, you change your behavior. If there is a child standing in the middle of the road and cars are coming at full speed, you don’t look away because it’s too uncomfortable. You immediately run out and rescue that child.

And without that sense of urgency, how can we, the people, understand that we are facing a real crisis? And if the people are not fully aware of what is going on, then they will not put pressure on the people in power to act. And without pressure from the people, our leaders can get away with basically not doing anything — which is where we are now. And around and around it goes.

In just three weeks we will enter a new decade, a decade that will define our future. Right now we are desperate for any sign of hope.

Well, I’m telling you there is hope. I have seen it. But it does not come from the governments or corporations. It comes from the people, the people who have been unaware but are now starting to wake up. And once we become aware, we change. People can change. People are ready for change.

And that is the hope, because we have democracy. And democracy is happening all the time, not just on Election Day, but every second and every hour. It is public opinion that runs the free world. In fact, every great change throughout history has come from the people.

We do not have to wait. We can start the change right now. We, the people.

Thank you.

Brexit, workers’ rights and inequality

The question of workers’ rights is a recurring theme in the debate around Brexit. For the most part trade unions in Britain and Ireland are concerned that a hard or no-deal outcome would threaten a regression in the rights and living standards enjoyed by workers across these islands. But, argues Dave Gibney, there is a more complicated set of factors to take into account.

 

Economic inequality is now higher in the UK than any time since the 1960s. Real wages have been falling since the UK joined the EU in 1973. Coincidently, the regions of the UK with the lowest median incomes are also the regions that voted to leave the EU in the strongest terms.

Hyndburn, Torbay and West Somerset have average median incomes of £17,000, £16,900 and £16,900 respectively. Those constituencies also voted Leave by margins of 66.2 percent, 63.2 percent and 60.6 percent. Hyndburn also rejected the two main political parties of the Conservatives and Labour in the recent European elections, choosing instead to vote for the Brexit Party by a margin of 39.1 percent, Labour receiving 25.5 percent and the Conservatives 8 percent.

To some, it might be difficult to see the connection between low incomes and Brexit, but nevertheless, it is there. Juxtapose the above with the highest income constituency in the UK, London City, which has an average mean income of £58,300 per year and recorded a Leave vote of only 25 percent.

For many communities, membership of the EU has been fruitful. For others, there is a sense that it has provided very little. This helps to explain why those who have the least to lose were among the strongest supporters of Brexit.

Integration within the EU has occurred in an increasingly neoliberal fashion. The ‘four freedoms’ of the single market — freedom of movement for goods, services, labour and capital — without strong collective bargaining provisions, access for trade unions to the workplace and the protection of effective collective actions serves to exacerbate economic inequality, undermines working conditions and results in a reduction in living standards.

The EU: A worker’s paradise?

The dominant narrative is that the EU has been great for workers’ rights. In Ireland it is often said that the EU provided workers with lunch breaks, annual leave and protection against discrimination at work.

Much of this may be true. But, we need to look at where those individual rights came from in the first place.

When Britain and Ireland joined the EU in 1973, almost half of all workers in the European Union were members of trade unions, with a 46 percent density level. However, that figure has now halved and is currently at only 23 percent. Organised worker power is no longer a dominant force within the EU, if it ever was, with corporations and wealthy individuals dictating policies to a much greater extent.

Individual vs collective workers’ rights

The progress made on workers’ rights on the back of strong trade unions within the EU is laudable. However, most of those workplace improvements are in the area of individual rights. The EU has delivered virtually nothing in terms of collective rights. This is evidenced most clearly by the Viking, Laval, Rüffert and Luxemburg rulings. These rulings prioritised economic freedoms and the movement of services over the right to collective action, undermining workers’ conditions of employment and reinforcing the unequal power relations and economic inequality that have grown in Britain, Ireland and across the continent. Furthermore, in recent years, the EU Commission has undermined collective action in Greece and other peripheral countries. The Commission’s agenda has resulted in a decline of workers covered by collective agreements from 83 percent in 2008 to 42 percent in 2013.

Obviously we should welcome measures which protect workers against discrimination based on their gender, race, sexual orientation, or any other spurious grounds. Yes, workers should be entitled to annual leave, maternity leave and lunch breaks. And of course workers should be entitled to basic health and safety provisions at work. However, these individual rights are the minimum we should expect in the twenty-first century, and certainly shouldn’t be seen as a trade-off for collective rights.

Is the EU anti-worker?

The EU does not ban industrial action outright, nor does it prevent workers from joining trade unions. Its anti-union policies are much more subtle. It incentivises privatisation and ‘competition’, in the knowledge that the private sector is much better positioned to undermine trade unions and workers’ rights.

Privatisation is encouraged through economic rules, such as those contained in the Fiscal Treaty (though the UK is not included in this) and the Stability and Growth Pact. When a country’s debt to GDP ratio is above 60 percent, or the state is running a deficit of more than 3 percent, the government of the day is incentivised into moving important public services ‘off-balance sheet’.

What this means can be illustrated through the case of Ireland. When domestic water charges were introduced in 2015, one of the key reasons cited by government was to move expenditure on water services ‘off-balance sheet’. In order to do that, the utility (Irish Water) had to receive 51 percent of its funding through end-user charges. That required a metered water system. Of course, once an income stream is established through charges, it makes it easier to privatise in the future. The fact the EU tried to force Greece and Portugal sell their water utitlies wasn’t lost on water protesters in Ireland.

Once privatised, the EU’s rules prevent monopolies, dictating that there must be competition in the market. As usual, with competition comes a race to the bottom in terms of working conditions.

Public sector employment is often the antidote to this race to the bottom and provides upward pressure on conditions of employment. The moves towards privatisation can be seen in the decline of public sector jobs. In 1992, more than 23 percent of all workers in the UK were in the public service, whereas today that figure is 16 percent — a 30 percent reduction.

While the blame for this may not be entirely at the door of the EU, many see it as a contributory factor.

EU leaders out-of-touch with workers’ reality

In her acceptance speech to the EU Parliament, the newly elected President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen said: “Today, 500 million Europeans live in freedom and prosperity.” The fact that 22.4 percent of all citizens living within the EU are at risk of poverty is lost on her. That’s more than 100 million people who have just been informed that they are prosperous, while they make the difficult decision about whether they feed their children or turn on the heating this week.

These myths about EU prosperity don’t stack up. The mainstream media consistently reports that the EU is great for jobs and workers’ rights but this is not the lived experience of workers across the EU.

In the post-war era up until the UK joined the EU (1945–1973), the average unemployment rate was 2.3%. In subsequent years up until the Brexit vote (1973–2016), the UK’s average unemployment rate was 7.3%. It more than trebled. Ireland’s figures are similar. Average unemployment between 1960–1973 was 5.5%, whereas during the period between EEC membership and 2016 the average unemployment rate has increased to 10.5%, almost doubling.

This high rate of unemployment is part and parcel of the EU’s demands for low inflation, while a large supply of reserve workers also serves to keep wages low.

The fact that inequality in the EU has been growing for forty years is not a coincidence. It’s structural. The EU and its rules ensure the top 1 percent of the population accumulates obscene wealth, and in most countries, this is facilitated further by national governments.

Who decides?

Sovereignty was cited as the second most important reason UK citizens voted for Brexit. The perception among many Leave voters is that the EU dictates certain rules within which governments must operate.

For example, it is extremely difficult to renationalise an essential industry under EU rules. It would be virtually impossible for the UK to renationalise its rail network operations inside the EU because of the Fourth Railway Package, a new piece of legislation which will introduce market competition into rail systems, requiring countries to introduce privately operated routes. This comes into effect in 2023 and we can expect workers’ pay and conditions of employment to deteriorate as companies begin to compete with each other for lower costs.

On the road to self-destruction

The 2016 Brexit vote has made it much more difficult to be critical of the European Union. Dare question EU policies in this environment and run the risk of being branded an ill-informed idiot, a racist or a Nigel Farage supporter.

This portrayal of those with opposing views to the prevailing mainstream position as backward Neanderthals is ideal for the anti-democractic forces within the EU. It’s also extremely dangerous, because without critique, they can double-down on the very practices that contributed to the Brexit vote in the first place, such as: the promotion of the worst excesses of capitalism and privatisation; increases in economic inequality and reductions in living standards; the expansion of the EU’s imperial project, including the creation of a European army; and the financialisation of everything we need to survive, even water.

The problem the EU has, and which has been illustrated throughout the Brexit debacle, is that the privatisation agenda and the four freedoms valued so dearly — free movement of goods, services, labour and capital — are likely to result in the self-destruction of the EU unless there is something done to tackle economic inequality.

The future of the EU?

This requires much stronger collective bargaining rights, including a fundamental right for trade unions to access workplaces and undertake inspections on workplace compliance, the outlawing of union busting activities with strong penalties as a deterrent and uninhibited collective action protections. It is clear from past experience that the EU institutions are not on the side of labour in this endeavor, and even if they were, it would require the collective agreement of 27 member states to implement the necessary reforms to address these issues. Looking at the overall composition of national governments and the results of the recent European elections, the prospect of this seems more distant than ever.

About the author: Dave Gibney is the communications officer for Mandate trade union, the main retail union in the Republic of Ireland, and joint coordinator of the Right2Water campaign.


Originally published at https://www.brexitblog-rosalux.eu on July 25, 2019.